イラクを22年支援してきた日本人女性が明かす“戦争の現実”が衝撃すぎた

イラクを22年支援してきた日本人女性が明かす“戦争の現実”が衝撃すぎた

The US military opened fire. People protesting against them were killed—over 20 at once. The injured were brought to this hospital. There was a blood-stained banner at the entrance. “Killers, we will kick you out!” Should we stop filming for a sec? Yeah… just a moment. US soldiers stormed into homes and in front of local Muslims, they tore up the Quran— and even wiped themselves with it. This is the bridge where Blackwater contractors were hanged. It happened right here, on this bridge. Fallujah, in western Iraq— once a fierce battleground between US forces local militias, and Islamic extremists. Heavy fighting took place in this city. In Fallujah, one Japanese woman has been involved since the Iraq War in 2003. Her name is Nahoko Takato. She has long been involved in humanitarian aid. This time, I followed her to see what really happened here in the past— and how people are living now. Let’s take a closer look. Hi everyone, I’m Kanta Hara. Right now, I’m in Fallujah, Anbar Province, western Iraq. Since the Iraq War, Fallujah has been one of the fiercest battlegrounds between US forces and Islamist militants. It’s known as a symbol of the Iraq War. What exactly happened here during the war? Let’s take a closer look. So, what kind of place is Fallujah? Right after the Iraq War, it came under heavy US attacks. In 2003, several major offensives took place here. Then came a series of mass shootings by US forces. There were full-scale assaults—so much happened here. It was one of the fiercest battle zones. We’ll now visit places like hospitals and cemeteries to show you what actually happened. This place truly symbolizes the Iraq War. We hope to hear many stories. Thanks for joining us. Thank you very much. Before heading to Fallujah, we stopped by a site tied to Iraq’s sectarian history. What kind of place is this? This is a highway in Ramadi. Cars are passing now, but— from 2012 to 2013, over the course of a year, citizens held protests here. They occupied this very road. It was an anti-government protest. Alongside the road here, there were about 40 large dome tents. Each of the 40 tents represented a different tribe. Each tribe set up its own big tent. I came here back then too. They had first aid stations, clinics, and even marketing and media sections. There was also a food storehouse. It was a very well-organized civilian protest. This movement continued here until the end of 2012 or 2013. But the way it ended was truly tragic. It was Christmas in 2013. I had been in Fallujah and Ramadi until just a few weeks before that. I sometimes visited here too. Then the Iraqi army— under the Shia-led Maliki government at the time— claimed that ISIS was present. They said, “Islamic State is among them.” And used that as a reason to target the protestors. They launched brutal helicopter attacks. Many people were killed. And it didn’t just happen in Ramadi—it happened in Fallujah too. In total, how many people? Tens of thousands? Nearly 100,000 across Baghdad, Ramadi, Fallujah, Haditha, Heet, and Tikrit— about six cities had similar civilian protests. And those protests were violently attacked. People were killed, and one tribal leader— Ahmad Al-Alwani— was arrested by the government. That triggered a tribal alliance. They formed self-defense groups—resistance forces. They were completely unarmed and defenseless, but people were being killed in large numbers. At first, the tribes insisted on staying nonviolent. But eventually, that became impossible. They took up arms and became a resistance. To stop Iraqi government forces coming from Baghdad, they pushed back toward the border between Baghdad and Anbar provinces. They started pushing the army back from there. The fighting became extremely intense. The Iraqi army launched airstrikes and fierce assaults. Meanwhile, fighters from Iraq’s ISIS branch, who had gone to fight in the Syrian civil war— even though their numbers were tiny at the time— expanded their power in Syria and grew in strength. Then they crossed the border and came back. In places like Fallujah and Ramadi, local forces were fully tied up fighting the government army. While that chaos was unfolding, ISIS fighters moved in. They gave condolence money to people who’d lost homes or family in airstrikes, saying, “We’ll support you. We’ll help you.” They used this to win over the hearts and minds of locals. Even though ISIS had long been hated in Iraq— people really despised them— same with al-Qaeda. But through this, ISIS gained local support. The tribal leaders were too busy fighting the government army to pay attention to ISIS. While they were distracted, ISIS, though few in number, gathered more and more support. Carrying their black flag, they went to the Fallujah police station. It was completely empty. So they raised their flag. Once ISIS raised their black flag, it was picked up by international media. Suddenly the world saw Fallujah as “taken over by ISIS.” But in reality, in Fallujah and Ramadi, what was actually happening was— ISIS just planted a flag. And they were only a small group. The real problem was— people were dying because of intense airstrikes by government forces. So the people of Fallujah and Ramadi fled all the way to Heet, where we visited yesterday. But then, while the tribal leaders were still tied up elsewhere, ISIS kept bringing in more and more fighters. Eventually, they attacked Heet too. In the end, people from Fallujah, Ramadi, and Heet— the people of Anbar— had to flee to Baghdad or to the Kurdish region. That was the beginning of the fight against ISIS. But at first, they weren’t actually fighting ISIS. ISIS, like in Mosul later on, would just raise their flag and “occupy” without fighting. They slipped in during the chaos of other battles. Exactly. While the government and anti-government forces were locked in combat— fighting all-out battles— ISIS moved in behind the scenes and planted their flag. That’s the tactic they used here. For Japanese viewers, it might be hard to believe that the Maliki government would turn its guns on fellow Iraqis. Some may find that unimaginable. Can you explain the background briefly? It comes down to sectarian conflict. After the Iraq War, sectarian tensions were brought in from outside. It became a conflict between Sunni and Shia Muslims. Among Arab countries, Iraq is unique— it’s not evenly split, but it has a large Shia population. Most other Arab countries are Sunni-majority. Only Iran has a Shia-majority population. Iran is the only Shia-led country. Shia is the dominant group there. Iraq is somewhere in between. Al-Qaeda is Sunni. After Saddam’s regime— which was Sunni—was overthrown, Shia political parties aligned with Iran came to dominate Iraq’s government in Baghdad. That’s what sparked the sectarian conflict. Even married couples—Shia and Sunni— began divorcing because of it. Neighborhoods also started to separate by sect. This sectarian divide eventually led to civil war. That’s the background to all of this. The Shia-led government targeted Sunni people— arresting and torturing them. Just like the US military did at Abu Ghraib prison, the Iraqi government continued similar practices. They labeled people as “terrorists,” then tortured, abused, and persecuted them. This got especially bad around 2013. And the government started branding them as ISIS. Before the Iraq War, Saddam Hussein’s regime was a military dictatorship. It was criticized worldwide— but his authoritarian rule held the country together. He suppressed sectarian tensions inside Iraq. But after the U.S. military overthrew Hussein, the fragile balance that had maintained internal stability completely collapsed. Exactly. Actually, we often heard surprisingly open-minded responses. For example— “There’s no Sunni or Shia between us.” That’s what both Shia and Sunni people told me. Even during the worst of the conflict, people recognized the division, but— later they would say, “Even if I’m Shia, I don’t support Shia who kill their fellow citizens. We’re all Arabs, after all.” In fact, around 30 to 40% of couples were Sunni-Shia mixed marriages. Many families included both Sunni and Shia. Some even married Kurds. When everyone came together as a family, they were incredibly diverse. That diversity was the essence of Iraq. Everyone told me that. But politics really played a role here. Shia with Shia, Sunni with Sunni, Kurds with Kurds— that kind of separation. The political system changed to reflect that. And that helped fuel sectarian conflict and even civil war. Of course, there were internal tensions in Iraq— sectarian issues and such. But when we look at history, we have to consider the U.S.-led Iraq War and occupation. If we ignore those, we can’t truly understand the problems that later unfolded within Iraq. This eventually led to the 2019 civic uprising. People were saying, “There’s no Sunni or Shia.” That was their message. They also demanded an end to the system called *Muhasasa*—power-sharing based on sect and ethnicity. Young people strongly spoke out against it. According to Takato, there’s a major reason why working in Iraq is so difficult. You mentioned that sending money from Japan is difficult— is it really that hard to send money to Iraq? It’s getting even harder. After more than 20 years working in Iraq, I can say it’s really tough. Japanese banks always say things like, “It’s to prevent money laundering,” and make you sign all sorts of documents. That part is still manageable— but it’s gotten even stricter. Now, even if you go to the bank and say, “I’d like to send money using this code,” they won’t let you do it just like that. First, you need to bring an invoice. You must explain exactly what the money is for— is it for salaries, purchases, or something else? They’ll ask, “Show us your transaction history.” In short, they want to see what kinds of expenses you have, and what the money is used for. You have to prove all of that. Even after submitting everything, there’s still a screening process. And there’s no guarantee it will be approved. In reality, maybe only 1 or 2 out of 10 requests go through. So it’s almost impossible. That’s actually a huge issue. Especially when running an organization. Iraq is often associated with terrorism— so they try to prevent money from reaching places like that. Right, like with countries such as North Korea or Iran— people assume there are economic sanctions or risks. They often ask things like, “This isn’t going to Iran, right?” “Or North Korea?” Some Japanese people can’t tell the difference between Iran and Iraq. They think, “Maybe Iraq isn’t allowed either?” So I’ve had a lot of trouble at Japanese banks over this. “It’s Iraq with a ‘Q,’ not Iran.” Basically, due to things like economic sanctions, terrorism, and money laundering concerns, restrictions exist. That’s understandable— but if you look around at the current situation, you can clearly see what’s happening. There are plenty of foreign companies operating here. Japanese companies are also starting to enter. Maybe companies are treated under a different category— but the inability to send money smoothly affects not only major corporations. Even if a Japanese company wants to enter the market, if they can’t transfer funds easily, that’s a serious issue. It makes it very difficult to do business here. But even before the issue of money transfers— there’s a bigger problem for companies. The security risk is marked bright red. It’s at the highest level. The danger rating is extremely high. That alone makes it hard for companies to enter. Maybe it’s time to re-evaluate that. In the places where I used to work— like Uganda or Kenya in Africa— mobile money services are widespread. Phones themselves act like bank accounts that can send and receive money. Each phone number is linked to a bank account. You can send money directly to it. Even from Japan, I’ve asked friends in Uganda to help with things like translating or transcribing English audio. Using an app called World Remit, I was able to send money from Japan in just one or two minutes. Africa has really advanced in money transfer tech. These services have grown rapidly, and that growth is directly tied to Africa’s economic development. But when I hear stories like this— about Iraq and foreign businesses, especially Japanese companies— trying to send money to Iraq— there are still serious barriers. And that makes it harder to attract investment— which is crucial for economic growth. So I really feel this is a serious problem. A very real and pressing issue. We just passed a large mosque on the right side. During the Iraq War, that mosque was heavily bombed by U.S. forces. At one point, it was left in ruins. Now it’s been restored—it’s been about 20 years since the war. But back then, during the war, that mosque—used for Islamic prayer— a sacred place for Muslims— was targeted by the U.S. military. That kind of attack on a religious site was heavily criticized by the local people. I’ll lower the camera for a moment—there are police nearby. There were also reports of U.S. troops entering homes and, right in front of local Muslims, tearing up the Quran. Some even used the pages like toilet paper. Or drew crosses on the walls before leaving. Apparently, things like that really happened. Of course, it was wartime— and people were under extreme mental pressure. Maybe it drove them to do irrational things. That’s what I imagine. Even so— to deliberately desecrate things sacred to the locals… it’s hard to believe such acts really took place. I honestly can’t understand why they did that. It’s just beyond comprehension. This bridge we’re crossing now— it was originally built in 1930. And this is the Euphrates River. It’s one of the cradles of Mesopotamian civilization. You probably learned about the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers in school. This bridge crosses the Euphrates. It was built in 1930, but— during the Gulf War in 1991, the Iraq War in 2003, and under ISIS control after 2014, this bridge was destroyed multiple times— and rebuilt again and again. We’re crossing a bridge that has witnessed the history of war. We’ve arrived at the hospital where Ms. Takato provided humanitarian aid. Behind us is the hospital—what’s your connection to it? What kind of involvement did you have here, Ms. Takato? This was the first hospital I supported when I came to Iraq in 2003. It’s the old building of Fallujah General Hospital. The former Fallujah General Hospital. Now it’s a pediatric and maternity hospital. The building itself is very old— it was built even before the Saddam regime. Back then, it was the general hospital. Now it serves children and mothers. When I first entered Baghdad in 2003, this was the first place I surveyed. I was trying to find out which hospital needed help the most. Everyone kept saying, “Fallujah is dangerous.” That’s all they told me—“Fallujah is dangerous.” But no one explained why. One of our team members— along with some journalists—looked into the situation. They told me, “Ms. Takato, you should go to the hospital in Fallujah.” So we actually went there. And they said Fallujah’s hospital is in the worst condition. You should go there instead of Baghdad. “You came here to provide emergency medical aid, right?” they said. So the next day, I went to Fallujah General Hospital. When I arrived in Fallujah, I saw a big crowd. In front of them was a school building. The U.S. military had piled sandbags on the roof and turned it into a sniper post. People were surrounding it, holding protest banners. One of them read, “We’ll kick out the killers.” Something like “Kick You Out.” They were demanding the school be returned to the children. “This is for kids, not soldiers.” That was the message of the protest. It was an anti-American protest. But within days, U.S. forces opened fire. Many protestors were killed on the spot— over 20 people died in that incident. The wounded were brought to this hospital. After seeing that crowd, I came to the hospital. I entered through that gate over there. Right at the entrance, there was a banner stained with blood. It said “We are Islam” in Arabic. It was soaked with blood. Inside, the place was packed with people. In the wards, some had gunshot wounds to the leg— others to the stomach. They were lying in beds, injured. And their families were around them, yelling things like, “Why did the U.S. open fire!?” “What are they even doing here!?” People were furious. The whole atmosphere was extremely tense. At that time, Baghdad still wasn’t like this. It didn’t feel that tense yet. Should we stop filming for a second? Yeah… maybe. A hospital staff member spoke to us, so we paused filming. Sorry, we had to stop for a moment. But filming is okay now, so let’s continue. The vibe in Baghdad and Fallujah was totally different. There was way more tension here. And that tension came from the difference in how the U.S. military acted in Baghdad vs. Fallujah. Their approach here was clearly more aggressive. That sparked a sudden rise in anti-American anger. Things really escalated here because of that. After I first contacted this hospital, I spoke directly with the staff. Of course, I asked the doctors what they needed most. And honestly, they had almost nothing. No cotton, no bandages—nothing. That was the reality back then. So I went back to Baghdad, visited pharmaceutical shops, bought supplies from wholesalers, packed them into boxes, and gathered more. We collected a ton of supplies. Then almost every week, we brought medicine and supplies from Baghdad to this hospital. Even while doing that, the tension was always high in Fallujah. There were so many U.S. soldiers around. Some were even inside the hospitals. Same with the hospital in Ramadi. And here as well. There were patients inside the hospital, but soldiers treated them badly. Even hospital staff were treated harshly. They acted very aggressively. One time, the hospital administrator lifted a desk mat like this, and there was a big hole in the desk. I asked what happened. They said U.S. troops did it. They hit it hard with a buttstock. They forced it open, causing all kinds of damage. There were U.S. soldiers everywhere in the hospital. That really added to the tension here. You could feel it all around. See that bridge behind me? That’s the one we just crossed. The green bridge over there. It was destroyed during the Gulf War, the Iraq War, and the fight against ISIS. It’s been rebuilt many times. We also visited a mass grave earlier (to be shown in the next video). It’s for those who died in the Battle of Fallujah. That battle started after a key incident— when contractors from Blackwater, a U.S. private military company, were hung from a bridge. It was this exact bridge. Fallujah was once a fierce battlefield, where many civilians lost their lives. In the next video, we’ll continue hearing from Ms. Takato as we explore the city’s wartime history and the lives of people living there today. If you haven’t subscribed yet, please take this chance to subscribe to the channel. On my online salon, Synergy, we host study sessions on Iraq with Nahoko Takato as a guest. For behind-the-scenes stories we couldn’t cover on YouTube, and deeper insights from Ms. Takato, please consider joining Synergy. You can also watch past sessions in the archive. Joining Synergy also supports my work. If you’re even a little curious, check out the link in the description below. Visit our homepage for more info. Thanks so much for watching until the end. Really appreciate it. See you again in the next video.

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イラク西部に位置するファルージャ。かつて、アメリカ軍と地元の武装勢力、さらにはイスラム過激派との間で激しい戦闘が繰り広げられた街です。

そんなファルージャに、2003年のイラク戦争の頃から関わり続けている日本人がいます。
人道支援に携わってきた高遠菜穂子さんです。

今回は高遠さんに同行し、かつてファルージャで何が起きていたのか、そして今、現地の人々がどのような暮らしをしているのかを見ていきます。

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1994年生まれ。早稲田大学卒。フィリピンで物乞いをする少女と出会ったことをきっかけに、学生時代から国際協力活動を始める。在学中からアフリカの難民や元子ども兵士の支援に携わってきた。卒業後は組織に属さず、フリーランスとして国際協力活動を続ける。現在はアフリカを中心に世界各地で取材を行い、貧困や紛争といった国際問題をテーマに情報発信を続けている。著書に『あなたとSDGsをつなぐ「世界を正しく見る」習慣』、『世界は誰かの正義でできている アフリカで学んだ二元論に囚われない生き方』、『世界を無視しない大人になるために』などがある。

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